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Market liberalism is american exceptionalism essay a battering these days. Across the world, intellectual critiques and political condemnations of free trade are surging. Following World War II, there was a certain consensus among Western policymakers about the desirability of trade liberalization, even if it was pursued haphazardly and inconsistently. Since the lateth century, however, mercantilist and protectionist policies have been the norm rather than the exception.
One reason for this is that while protectionism makes consumers pay more for lower quality goods, tariffs and import quotas directly benefit those companies who resent the disciplines of competition, whether domestic or foreign.
Moreover, unlike consumers, such businesses have the resources, political contacts, and incentives to lobby legislators and governments for preferential treatment. Ergo, special interests tend to prevail in trade policy debates, even if most people happen to favor greater trade liberalization, american exceptionalism essay.
There are, however, some instances in which those intent on protecting their privileges invariably dressed up in the garb of common good rhetoric have found themselves on the losing side.
Nineteenth-century Britain is such a case. The middle decades of 19th-century Britain are often portrayed as an age of liberal reform. Likewise, american exceptionalism essay, the repeal of the tariffs and other measures which restricted food imports into Britain and kept food prices high—colloquially known as the Corn Laws—is often portrayed as a decisive blow to the mercantilist practices which had dominated the British economy since the 17th century.
Protectionist policies, however, returned with a vengeance in the wake of the post-Napoleonic war depression which roughly lasted from to Successive Tory and Whig governments sought to wind back protectionist american exceptionalism essay here and there, but were handicapped by the fact that many of their supporters—especially large landowners from all parties—were dead-set against anything that threatened their grip on the lucrative food supply.
In the end, the Tory Prime Minister Sir Robert Peel was only able to american exceptionalism essay his Bill of Repeal Importation Act through Parliament by relying on a coalition of the Whig opposition and a minority of Tory free trade MPs. Considerable mythology surrounds the repeal of the Corn Laws. A small number of tariffs continued to be levied on important consumables such as wine. Nor did Britain hesitate to use remaining tariffs as bargaining chips during trade negotiations.
Leading Whig, american exceptionalism essay, Radical, Tory, and Liberal politicians, important members of the Royal Family like Prince Albert, prominent aristocrats, key civil servants especially in powerful departments like the Treasuryuniversity economists, religious leaders particularly american exceptionalism essay evangelicalsinfluential journalists, and many ordinary Britons—including the growing industrial working-class—rallied behind the free trade cause.
To be sure, internal opposition never completely disappeared. Yet not even the Long Depression of which saw countries like Germany and France swing back towards protectionism could overturn the widespread free trade consensus in Britain.
Though Clement Attlee insisted that Britain needed to embrace economic planning, the future Labour Prime Minister was especially vocal in denouncing the Act. One reason why free traders were so effective in rallying different american exceptionalism essay to their cause was their careful tailoring of particular messages for specific audiences.
The intellectual case for free trade was also taken beyond the universities to those who held important political and economic positions, american exceptionalism essay. Sincethe highly influential Political Economy Club had brought prominent civil servants, industrialists, and City of London bankers into regular contact with scholars who favored free trade.
One reason why free traders were so effective in rallying these different constituencies to their cause was their careful tailoring of particular messages for specific audiences. While they emphasized to working-class leaders how free trade lowered the price of staples like food and clothing, the same free trade advocates stressed to reform-minded Tories, Whigs, and Liberals that free trade would help liberate Parliament and the Government from the influence of special interests.
A successful merchant who was elected to Parliament as a Radical and then Liberal MP, american exceptionalism essay, Cobden was an especially effective proselytizer for free trade, whether speaking in Parliament, negotiating a commercial treaty with French officials, or addressing mass audiences in Russia, Spain, american exceptionalism essay, Italy, France, and Germany.
He possessed the rare gift of being able to translate complex economic logic into language that non-specialists could grasp. He considered it just as important to arrange for american exceptionalism essay printing and distribution of thousands of pro-free trade pamphlets, articles, and speeches to broad audiences especially before elections!
as it was to engage directly cabinet ministers, MPs, and Treasury officials. Like the abolitionists, Cobden cleverly associated free trade with two causes very popular in american exceptionalism essay century Victorian England: moral reform and evangelical religion.
That helps to explain why free trade acquired such a strong american exceptionalism essay among Liberals, Whigs, reformist Tories, those working in the City of London, american exceptionalism essay, the professions, and the growing service sector. In all these circles, low-church evangelicalism was a force to be reckoned with, american exceptionalism essay. They responded well to images of free trade cleansing the economy of privileges, reforming public finances, and diminishing american exceptionalism essay through economic growth.
But what might this history mean for the free trade cause in our time? While over a third of the U. population now regards foreign trade as an outright threat to the U. economy, the same surveys indicate that a majority of Americans continue to lean toward free trade rather than protectionism. The fact, however, that American trade policy has shifted in more protectionist directions since indicates that free traders have failed to mobilize pro-free trade sentiments among Americans.
American free traders should recognize that it is not enough to win the intellectual argument and persuade policymakers.
Legislators and governments may well understand and lament all the problems of protectionism. That, however, american exceptionalism essay, has not dented the remarkable effectiveness of economic sectors such as the American steel and sugar industries at maintaining and even extending their protectionist privileges at the expense of the thousands of Americans businesses who use steel and the millions of Americans who consume sugar.
Unless free traders find ways to marshal and then concentrate the political clout of Americans who claim to favor further liberalizations of trade, I suspect that such industries will continue to get their way, american exceptionalism essay.
That is bad news for those American businesses who benefit from cheap imports as well as American consumers forced to pay higher prices. Edmund Burke held that some social institutions and social goods should always remain beyond the reach of supply and demand. About Staff Submissions Contact Part of the Liberty Fund network. Home Essays Forum Podcasts Book Reviews Classics Newsletters About Staff Submissions Contact. Liberating Trade in an Age of Reform The middle decades of 19th-century Britain are often portrayed as an age of liberal reform.
Strategy Matters One reason why free traders were so effective in rallying these different constituencies to their cause was their careful tailoring of particular messages for specific audiences. Overcoming the Diffusion Problem But what might this history mean for the free trade cause in our time?
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Jun 04, · Mike Nichols and the American Century from Boston Review. The director made landmark contributions to three distinct art forms. His life reflected the American experience in the latter half of the twentieth century—both its failures and its feats Aug 06, · In a dark season of pestilence, COVID has reduced to tatters the illusion of American exceptionalism. At the height of the crisis, with more than 2, ABOUT THE JOURNAL Frequency: 4 issues/year ISSN: E-ISSN: The Journal of African American History, formerly The Journal of Negro History, was founded by Dr. Carter G. Woodson in and is an official publication of the Association for the Study of African American Life and blogger.com in its second century, this award-winning journal publishes original scholarly articles
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